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Research: What Message Are Your Headphones Sending Your Coworkers?

Oguz Gencay | Michael Schaerer | Trevor A. Foulk

June 16, 2026


Summary:

Music listening in the workplace is an inherently ambiguous behavior that triggers specific social judgments from colleagues. When coworkers attribute a person’s music use to leisure or personal enjoyment rather than a tool for productivity, they perceive that individual as significantly less engaged with their work.





Walk into almost any modern office, and you will see it: earbuds in, playlists on, and heads down. For many employees, music is an essential tool for focusing, mood regulation, and stamina. For most managers, it is a non-issue as long as performance stays strong. If it helps people concentrate, let them listen to music. At worst, it is a harmless preference, such as drinking coffee or using a standing desk.

But this framing misses something important. Listening to music at work is not just a personal productivity choice; it is also a visible social behavior that coworkers interpret. When someone puts on headphones and starts listening to music, others naturally try to infer what it means. Are they concentrating? Blocking out noise? Or simply passing the time? These interpretations matter far more than most people realize because they drive how colleagues actually treat the listener, regardless of what the listener is doing.

The Ambiguity of Listening to Music at Work

What makes music listening so interesting from a social standpoint is its genuine ambiguity. People listen to music for very different reasons, such as to focus, to regulate emotions, or simply to enjoy themselves. Because coworkers cannot directly see why someone listens to music, they are likely to fill in the blanks with their own interpretations. We suspected that coworkers would tend to settle on one of two broad interpretations for their coworkers’ music listening. On one hand, they might form leisure attributions: “they are doing it for fun” or “they are passing the time.” On the other hand, they might form productivity attributions: “they are trying to concentrate” or “music helps them focus.”

We expected these two attributions to produce sharply different social consequences. If an observer perceives someone listening to music for leisure, it can suggest that the listener is pulling away from work, not fully present, and not fully invested. When the same behavior is perceived for productivity, it can suggest the opposite. Our core question was whether and how these interpretations would shape coworkers’ perceptions of the listener’s work engagement. In turn, we wanted to know how they treated that person, whether they offered support, or behaved rudely toward them. Just as important, we wanted to know whether these consequences would hold even when the listener was actually engaged with their work. If so, employees might be paying a social price not for what music does for them, but for how others interpret their behavior.

We teamed up to investigate these questions using multiple field and experimental studies, involving over 2,700 full-time employees, predominantly from the United States. Our findings, recently published in Personnel Psychology, are built around three main studies. We began with a field study with 205 employee-coworker pairs. We asked each employee to report their own music listening behavior, while their coworkers rated how engaged the employee appeared at work. Next, in their own words, coworkers also explained why they thought the employee listened to music. The pattern of results was striking. When coworkers interpreted music listening as for leisure, they perceived the listener as less engaged with their work. When they interpreted it as for productivity reasons, the penalty disappeared, but it did not turn into a boost. Productivity interpretations simply neutralized this effect.

Next, to establish causation, we conducted an online experiment with 293 full-time employees in the United States. We asked participants to imagine working on a team and introduced them to a fictional coworker named Taylor. In one version, Taylor mentioned listening to music for enjoyment (leisure framing). In another, he stated that music helped him focus (productivity framing). In a third version, music was not mentioned at all. Participants then watched a short video of Taylor at work while listening to music, rated their perceptions of him, and decided whether to treat him cooperatively or with hostility. Leisure framing again carried a clear cost: participants saw Taylor as less engaged when listening to music, judged him as a weaker performer, withheld support, and behaved more rudely toward him. Productivity framing again neutralized this penalty without producing goodwill.

The next study moved these ideas into the real world through a field experiment. We recruited 150 employee-coworker pairs in the U.S. and asked half the employees to listen to music at work for two consecutive workdays, while the others were asked to refrain from doing so. Two days later, coworkers rated the employees’ engagement and their interpretation of music listening; employees separately reported how their coworkers had treated them during that window. The same chain emerged. Leisure interpretations, or the absence of productivity interpretations, led to lower perceived engagement of music listeners, which, in turn, led to less support and more incivility toward them.

Across all these studies, these patterns held even after accounting for the listener’s actual engagement and ruling out several alternative explanations, including positive moods that arise from listening to music. The additional experiments we conducted replicated these effects and showed that they occurred whether the observer was a peer or a supervisor and did not depend on the type of headphones the listener wore. In other words, people were penalized not for what music does to them, but for what it is taken to mean.

We also examined what led the observers to favor one interpretation over the other. Visible “leisure cues,” such as singing along, head-bobbing, and dancing in one’s seat, prompted observers to make leisure attributions. In contrast, a noisy environment and the observer’s habit of listening to music while working resulted in productivity attributions. Moreover, a brief explanation, what we call a “social account,” like “I’m going heads-down, so music is going on,” also shifted these interpretations meaningfully. Thus, people were being judged by the stories coworkers constructed about the employee’s music listening behavior.

The most counterintuitive finding concerned what we did not find. Most people assume that listening to music for productivity reasons can earn them positive credit and social treatment. However, our data suggested otherwise. Productivity interpretations largely eliminate the penalty, but they generally do not create extra goodwill. Coworkers may no longer assume that the listener is slacking, but they do not go out of their way to help. The only time we observed clear positive social effects—more support, less rudeness—was when music measurably helped the listener focus. In other words, being seen as listening for productivity protects you from a penalty; it often does not earn you a reward.

How to Reduce the Ambiguity

Here are a few steps to take when you use headphones at work, manage someone who does, or work with someone who always has headphones on.

When you’re the one using headphones:

Narrate your intentions. If coworkers cannot tell why you are listening, they will guess, and if they make leisure attributions incorrectly, you will pay a social price. One of the clearest effects in our experiments came from a brief, casual explanation that framed the behavior before the observers did. Even something as minimal as “I’m putting music on to get through this report” or “heading into a deep-work block, so I’m blocking out the noise” shifted the interpretation meaningfully. This is not about announcing your playlist; it is about preventing coworkers from constructing a narrative that you would not choose for yourself. Teams can normalize this kind of clarity, treating statements like “headphones going on, going heads-down” as routine practice rather than oversharing.

Manage your visible “leisure cues.” Colleagues do not just infer intent from the presence of music; they also watch how you behave. Singing along, head-bobbing, or visible dancing triggers “leisure” interpretations, even if the listener is actually focused. A useful rule of thumb is to make your focus appear as focus. Instrumental or low-distraction playlists may work better in shared spaces, and a great song that makes you want to move is probably better saved for a break or a private setting than for working. This is not about policing enjoyment; it is about recognizing how quickly visible cues can reshape observer interpretations and reactions.

When you’re managing someone who does:

Treat it as an attribution problem, not as a discipline problem. When friction arises around headphones in an office, the instinct may be to restrict or ban music at work. Yet, our research suggests that this solves the wrong problem. The issue is not that music signals disengagement; the issue is that ambiguity around music listening invites interpretation, and negative interpretation drives social penalties. A more useful move is to coach teams to distinguish between signals and evidence, headphones (or music listening) are a cue, not a performance rating, and to establish a default assumption of productivity unless actual performance suggests otherwise. Questions like “what are you working on while you listen?” are far more diagnostic than “why are you listening to music?” and help build a culture where real contributions outrank the appearance of engagement.

When you’re working with someone who does:

Replace judgment with curiosity. The most insidious part of this dynamic is how automatic it can become. The cognitive chain—they have earbuds in, they seem checked out, why should I bother helping them?—can run quickly and often without reflection. Our findings show that these leaps occur even when the listener is actually engaged. The antidote is to interrupt this chain by defaulting to curiosity rather than judgment. If a colleague misses a detail, address the work rather than the signal: “Can you share your status by 3 PM?” is more productive than “You’re always on your headphones.” If you feel ignored, check your assumption with a quick “Is now a bad time?” rather than allowing the story to calcify. Small shifts like these can prevent misunderstandings that quietly erode collaboration.

. . .

Music at work is typically regarded as a private productivity hack. Our research reveals that it is also a highly visible, social, and interpretable behavior that shapes how others perceive and treat you, for better or worse. The same music, in the same ears, can generate support or hostility depending entirely on the story others construct about it. And those stories, it turns out, are rarely about music at all. They are about whether others think you look like someone who is engaged and pulling their weight. So, if you want the benefits of music without the social costs, do not just ask, “Does this music help me work?” Ask instead: “What story are my coworkers telling themselves about my music listening, and how can I shape it before they do?”

Copyright 2026 Harvard Business School Publishing Corporation. Distributed by The New York Times Syndicate.

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Oguz Gencay

Oguz Gencay is an Assistant Professor of Organizational Behavior at Bilkent University.


Michael Schaerer

Michael Schaerer is an assistant professor of organizational behavior and human resources at Singapore Management University’s Lee Kong Chian School of Business.


Trevor A. Foulk

Trevor A. Foulk is an Associate Professor at the Warrington College of Business Administration at the University of Florida. He explores topics including organizational mistreatment, hierarchical dynamics, and employee well-being.

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